The situation in Iraq, following 2003, became more complicated, due to the chaos spread in the Iraqi cities after the intrusion of the US forces in the country. Then it was followed by the problems of the Governing Council, hasty writing of the constitution and the transitional government, till reaching to a state of sectarian and denominational internal war that did not permit Iraq and its people to be healed from its wounds and pains.
Talking on these subjects and others, Annabaa news agency interviewed journalist Ali al-Talaqani, who elaborated on many subjects under discussion.
- After the return of the occupied cities form Da’ish (ISIS) control, do you think that this terrorist organization will be able to penetrate in the country again?
* On 9 June, 2014, Da’ish organization controlled some parts of Nineveh province and committed bloody massacres, but by the will of our heroes, these areas were restored.
But, can we say that this organization’s role was terminated, though its tactical dependence was to stay?
In other words, we can say it ended on the strategic terms, thus it cannot return again, because it lost 98% of the territories in Syria and Iraq, though it has secret and underground installations and sites.
If the branches of the organization are terminated, its presence in Syria will end, while in Iraq, it will disappear when the sectarian element is vanished.
On the media level, its role was greatly limited, taking into consideration it had recruited more than 3000 members all over the world.
- Was the Iraqi media capable to deal professionally with the captured Da’ish documents?
* Since the downfall of Mosul city and the start of liberation operations, I warned, many times, against the polarization of international media organs, taking into consideration that they try to get the information without any heed to ethical values, so we notice the smuggling of thousands of Da’ish documents for the benefit of these media organs and papers, due to their importance and priceless values, as well as their connections with international security authorities.
The war of information is the strongest element in the war. The most positive matter is that the people of the liberated areas began to reach a good level of understanding, to the extent they did not care about the financial rewards for such information. In other words, the cooperation of the people with the competent authorities is a good factor.
Our heroes at the security organs began to have good capabilities and treated the matters with cleverness.
- In your opinion, how many of Da’ish foreign members you expect and how many of them remained inside Iraq?
* Since the end of Mosul battle, it is difficult to estimate foreign Da’ish members. As regards the Iraqi, we will indulge ourselves in a complicated equation, but, in general, there are signs and indications where the members of Da’ish will be found, which need to be terminated, as well as its supportive elements.
Anyone thinks that Da’ish will make an international caliphate is exaggerating. The speeches of the organization are only myths, elements for glorification and illusions, not a military and political organization.
- Following many electoral terms waged by the Iraqi people, do you think that the previous governments were within the right path to build the state?
* The formation of the previous governments should be dismantled according to reversible engineering to get and understand the way in which it was built. It is believed that it was built in a way produced by political powers with US and Iranian mentalities which are different, historically, from the mentality built by the British.
There are four conceptions, without which we cannot understand the dialectic relationship among the ruling groups in Iraq.
The first conception: Elections and democracy.
The second conception: The relation of the clergyman with politics.
The third conception: The Jihad
The fourth conception: Civil society.
These conceptions are contradictory, because each one of the parties is trying to eliminate the other. On the other hand, these conceptions are not derived from the legal principles, the developments and the theory of international balances, because they were designed according to the sizes of their owners, with colors of their own interests.
In other words, there are no basics for these groups to follow.
- It is clear that the local situation is reflected on the conflicts among the parties and institutions, what do you think about that?
* The fanatic societies were not established on modern political bases. The conflicts among the parties and institutions played their roles within the political and social frameworks that turned these societies into powers that used politics in disorganized manner.
Thus, the state will not become independent in its institutions, but an extension to these groups, consequently, the costs of these conflicts will be very high.
In this crisis, we find some organizations and personalities utilized these forms of tribalism to polarize their followers.
The wild desires of some organizations and personalities led to indulge the fanatic groups into the political action, thus the government deviated from its natural course.
The civil society is affected by the saying that it is contrary to the orientations of the state, while the state is in strong need for this society as the main supporter in establishing modern political milieu.
- How do you see the war years after the relative security stability in the country?
* I saw the air landing of the US forces in south west Baghdad in 2003, which confronted the Republican Guards on the Euphrates banks. This area is strategic to enter Baghdad.
Also, I remember the details of the battle at the Baghdad International Airport. Baghdad’s sky was similar to star wars full with flares, with flaming grounds. 57 mm artillery was used in ground battles, while this type of artillery is used for air defenses.
Away from the violence and destruction that prevailed the Iraqi cities, I remember how the armed groups were coordinating their military operations under the heading of “resistance”. The people of these cities, irrespective of their social, political and religious inclinations, were dealing with these groups in simplicity. The militants were sniping and mining streets at night and explode them in day time against the US soldiers.
The militants were planning at night and enlighten the people, at the same time, in the Jihadist manners.
I remember I had a digital camera in 2003, when one of the militant wanted to borrow it, and then I discovered that he wanted to document the graves of the US soldiers who were killed, either in the war or during the confrontations.
Suddenly, the small towns became the dens for the most wanted terrorists in the world. Our media organs and military operations did not benefit from the found Da’ish documents, due to the running and dangerous incidents, as well as the inability to reach such documents.
Baghdad’s southern areas were the first to export violence into the capital and the southern parts of the country. When reading the statements of violence and indications, I found that these cities were the first in exporting bombed cars, ammunition dumps and explosives.
- About your book on the terrorist organizations, where did your reach in writing?
* I wrote more than 500-page book on the terrorist organizations during one decade, where I documented the horrible scenes that I saw by myself and lived with them, because I dwelt in more than one area in Baghdad’s geographical belt.
Whenever I tried to print it, I felt hesitant, feeling that it needs more documentation and accuracy in information, because it contains events where the sons of the cities took part in the terrorist organizational actions during the years that followed the downfall of ex-regime in 2003.
Whenever I yearn to these cities, their memories and the beloved who fall in the battles, I feel more enthusiastic to publish and translate it.
I wrote some events and published them in the papers and internet sites in both Arabic and English languages.
Whenever time passes, the Iraqi parliamentary experience puts us on the test of the present time to document these events to be the history that should be preserved for the coming generations.
The main obstacle is our deep belief in the true and objective documentation, far away from politicization, because it closely connected with the future of the nation and avoiding the crisis of sectarianism and nationalism.
We need a sort of documentation where the reader will not be affected by history that we need to reach and build a future based on forgiveness and tolerance.